Social Inequalities Affect Health Health And Social Care Essay

Social Inequalities Affect Health Health And Social Care Essay Social inequalities in health have been widely accepted and documented (Fox, 1989; Davey-Smith et al., 1990; Macintyre, 1997; Marmot et al., 1997), and have been particularly apparent in The Black Report (Townsend and Davidson, 1982) which has revealed wide disparities (health gap) between people at opposite ends of the social strata, that are widely increasing in the UK (Marmot and McDowell, 1986; Macintyre, 1997) and the US (Papas et al, 1993). A burgeoning volume of research identifies social factors at the root of much of these health inequalities, for instance, researchers have found health to be socially patterned (gradient effect), where individuals at high ends of the social class experience better health and live longer, than their counterparts (Acheson 1998; Adler et al., 1998) and this has been consistent, even when controlling for other factors (Lantz et al., 1998).Thus, if one moves up the social strata, the better ones health (Kitagawa Hauser, 1973). Social economic status (SES) has been used to assess ones social position as a reliable method, and many types of approaches have been used to assess SES, including occupation, household income or level of achieved education (Mackenbach and Kunst, 1997). Research has found that Individuals with a low SES have a lower mortality rate (Benzeval, 1995) and experience greater disability and ill health (Dalstra et al., 2005; Huisman et al., 2005; Marmot, Bosma, Hemingway, Brunner, Stansfeld, 1997; Marmot, Rose, Shipley, Hamilton, 1978). Deprived individuals may also have a greater propensity to develop diabetes, develop cancer, cardiovascular disease, asthma, infectious diseases and all causes of mortality and even die, as a result of homicide (Adler and Ostrove, 1999; Ecob Smith, 1999; Schalick, Hadden, Pamuk, Navarro, Pappas, 2000; Sterling, Rosenbaum, Weinkam, 1993). Thus, ill-health can therefore restrict prospects of economic attainment (Adler et al, 1994; Marmot et al, 1997). One reason for this could be that people have to put up with poorer living conditions, which could result in them being exposed to hazardous and unhealthy environments i.e. pollution, noise, toxic waste, crowding, ambient noise and poor housing quality, which are linked with poor health and disease (Evans and Kantrovitz, 2002).Whilst individuals of a higher (SES) have a reduced risk of exposure to negative life events (Mcleod and Kessler, 1990) hence, decreasing their vulnerability of suffering chronic or acute illness (Cohen and Williamson, 1991). It is also been found that Children of less affluent families are less likely to succeed at school (Essen and Wedge, 1982), to be employed in more disadvantaged areas, and go through unemployment much earlier in their lives (Ashton et al1987). This can lead smoking, drinking, depression, anxiety, and poor health behaviours (Wilson and Walker, 1993) One other explanation for this inequality is that deprived individuals display more risk taking behaviours, such as; bad diet, smoking and being physically inactive. However, this view is not always supported, and researchers have found little or no relationship (OMalley et al., 1993; Donato et al., 1994). A growing body of research has also acknowledged the relationship between income inequality on individual health (Kawachi, 2002; Wilkinson, 1996), for example, low income has been correlated to show a risk factor for disease and ill-health (Syme, 1998), and according to the relative income hypothesis, people from a low SES are more prone to experience poor health if they feel disadvantaged than others (Marmot et al., 1991; Wilkinson, 1997). They are also more likely to experience depression and stress (Cohen et al., 1997) and this may subsequently hinder or weaken ones power to assess local health-related resources (Deaton, 2003). These  consequences of income inequality can affect individuals significantly, resulting in frustration, stress and disruption, which can subsequently increase the rates of crime, violence and homicide (Wilkinson, 1996). Education also influences health through its relation with higher income (Chevalier et al, 2005) and better living environment, as those with a higher educational attainment are less likely to be unemployed, and more likely to have careers with higher earnings (Ross Wu, 1995). Furthermore, individuals with higher levels of educational attainment have shown to having certain psychological mechanisms, such as social support, economic resources and a strong sense of personal control, which are associated with a higher mortality rate and higher health status. (Kunst Mackenbach, 1994; Elo Preston, 1996). Parents educational attainment is also significant, as this can directly impact the Childs future health via primary socialisation; for example, Blackburn et al (2003) have found that higher levels of maternal education are associated with lower levels of household smoking, and hence, lower levels of tobacco exposure to children. An individuals health outcome can also be affected by the type of occupation, for example, The Black Report (Townsend and Davison, 1982) discovered that unskilled manual workers (social class V) regularly suffered from poorer health than those classified as professionals (Social class I). The Whitehall studies were particularly important in highlighting this association, researchers looked at British civil servants, and discovered higher mortality rates were found to be correlated with lower hierarchal rank (Marmot, 2004), and this social gradient was further refined and supported by Siegrist Marmot (2006). In addition, a strong inverse association was found, between the grade of employment and absenteeism as a result of health status (Stansfield et al, 1995). The type and quality of the job the individual has can also have a fundamental difference to their health, i.e. through occupational hazards and unsafe and physically demanding work environments (Lucas, 1974). It can also impact ones health indirectly through income security, or psychological or social mechanisms. Furthermore, Lower employment grades have showed almost three times greater occurrences of coronary heart disease (CHD) and lung cancer than those individuals in the highest employment grades (Marmot, 1986). Thus, one may conclude that the association between grade and type of work is apparent, and the environment of individuals in lower classs may not always be conducive to good health. An increasing amount of research asserts that health outcomes and health-related behaviour are directly linked with area of residence (Collins, Margo, 2000; Cubbin, Hadden, Winkleby, 2001; Guest, Almgren, Hussey, 1998; Jones and Moon, 1993; MacIntyre, MacIver Sooman, 1993; Pickett and Pearl, 2001; Ren, Amick, Williams, 1999; Shaw et al, 1999).People living in Disadvantaged areas usually experience poorer health (Townsend et al., 1988) and increasingly show higher levels of morbidity and mortality than individuals living in more prosperous areas (Achenson, 1998; Mackenbach, Kunst, Cavelaars, Groenhof, Geurts, 1997; Marmot and McDowell, 1986; Townsend, Whitehead, Davidson, 1992). An example of this was seen in the mortality rates ,in different Scottish postal code areas, which revealed a constant gradient of increased mortality from the most affluent, to the most disadvantaged areas, based on; social class, male unemployment, household overcrowding and access to car (Carstairs and Morris, 1991). The Health Divide (Whitehead,1988), revealed further discrepancies, where a North South health divide in the UK was found, and a higher prevalence of ill health become apparent in the industrialised North (Sidell, 2003). Further health inequalities existing, as a result of area of residence, was seen in Mexico, where a nine year difference in life expectancy was reported between people living in a poor county, and those in a relatively well-off county (Evans et al., 2001). Implications of living in a less affluent area can also impact the mortality risk for those individuals, of even a higher SES (Yen and Kapplan, 1999a). However, those who perceive themselves to live in deprived neighbourhoods are inclined to have more negative health signs i.e. high body mass index. A lower effective efficacy has also been reported amongst low income residents, whereby individuals perceive less cohesion and social control; this may impact the individual mentally i.e. depression (Cohen et al, 2003; Schafer-McDaniel, 2009) and even prohibit physical activity. Another barrier to health and its resultant inequalities is ethnicity/race. Ethnic minority groups have an increased rate of health inequalities, which have social consequences, (higher rates of coronary heart disease and diabetes), for example, research by Keppel, Pearcy and Wagener (2002) showed African-Americans in the United States experienced greater levels of illness (breast/lung cancer, cardiovascular disease, and infant mortality rates) than other racial/ethnic minority groups. Morbidity rates have also been found to be higher for Bangladeshi and Pakistani minority groups, although findings did not generalise to Indian adults, who were found to have a similar health status to white adults (Cooper, 2002).These ethnic disparities have also been seen in the US where blacks seem to have worse health outcomes than whites, for instance, black women were more likely to have a child with a lower birth weight than their white counterparts (David and Collins, 1997). Despite these risk factors, discrimination and prejudice faced by ethnic minority groups further increases their chances of illness and death (Williams and Jackson, 2005). For instance, Smaje (1995) and Modood et al., (1997) found that black people in ethnic minority groups suffered greater material disadvantage as a result of discrimination. Less affluent individuals can also be prone to develop mental health problems, as a result of their status. Many studies have looked at the effect of SES, and deprivation in relation to mental health (Thornicroft, 1991; Jarman et al, 1992; Harrison et al, 1995). Evidence has shown the incidence of mental illness, is more pronounced in the lower socio-economic groups, for example, it was found that working class women were more likely to suffer from mental health problems i.e. bipolar disorder than middle-class women (Brown and Harris, 1978); A positive association between deprivation, low SES and schizophrenia was further emphasised in Rogers (1991) who reported low SES women were more likely to develop neurotic diagnoses, and those who suffered from poverty, were more likely to have an increased risk to develop bipolar disorder, schizophrenia, phobias, depression and suffer from drug related problems (Bruce, 1991). Reasons for these social inequalities existing are multifaceted, and a matter for continuing debate, however, The Black Report (Townsend and Davidson, 1982) outlined four explanations, the first being Artefact, This points out that inequalities in health are demonstrated using different measuring systems to assess social class, and so, associations are resulting from artefacts (Davey Smith et al, 1991). However, this account has been largely dismissed as evidence has visibly shown a health disparity across occupational groups. Furthermore, these inequalities have been verified using different forms of measurement to assess social class i.e. educational attainment and occupation. Thus, this explanation does not present a superior argument to the complexities of health inequalities in society, and so cannot be sustained. An alternative method of explaining social inequalities comes from social selection; this suggests healthy individuals move up (social mobilisation) the hierarchy, whilst individuals with poor health escalate downwards-which could be due unemployment, demotion, or disability (Moore and Porter, 1998).However, there is little evidence supports the view of social selection in relation to health inequalities (Whitehead, 1988) for example, Illness does affect social mobility; however, the size of the effect is very little to actually account for overall health differences (Wilkinson, 1997). The cultural behavioural explanation stipulates that health inequalities occur as a result of individual preferences and lifestyles, comprising of drinking, smoking, diet and exercise (Blaxter, 1990) and cultural factors. These health behaviors have been linked to death (i.e. lung cancer, coronary heart disease), and a social gradient has been found (Wardle and Griffith, 2001). Whilst there is a causal effect for mortality and morbidity, with health behaviours (i.e. smoking, diet), this explanation does not comprise of a complete explanation of inequalities, for instance, controlling for the risk factors of smoking, cholesterol and blood pressure (Whitehall studies) did not explain the increase in CHD mortality amongst administrative and other grades, Nevertheless they did account for about 25% of the disparity (Rose Marmot, 1981). This explanation can further be criticised as it tends to classify health behaviours as being synonymous with cultural influences, and fails to acknowledge other variables, it also associates ethnic groups with a pattern of behaviour which may not necessarily signify wide-spread health patterns in cultural groups. Another approach to explain inequalities in health is the materialistic/structural, which has been supported by many researchers (Acheson, 1998; Gordon, Shaw, Dorling Davey Smith 1999; Townsend, Davidson, Whitehead, 1992). This approach states that inequalities are a result of unequal access to material and physical resources (Raphael, 2006). These include housing, working conditions, quality of available food, among others. Thus, research has consistently shown that social health inequalities exist and need to be dealt with. Health psychologists have played an important part in exposing the individual determinants of health related experiences and behaviour. In particular, highlighting the plight of these psychological and social factors. Therefore, acknowledging these health determinants can be significant in potentially reducing or even diminishing these health disparities, as awareness and research are significant to public health intervention. The benefits of such research are also advantageous, as it highlights that an individual is not alone responsible for their own health, but a number of factors come in to play. Moreover, future research can thus investigate these social determinants, in particular, distinguishing between factors that affect health and those that form health inequalities. For instance, education as a social factor impinges on health but it is the lack of access to it and associated illiteracy that lead to inequalities.

Hieroglyphic Symbols Essays -- essays research papers fc

Hieroglyphic Symbols One of the many contributions that the Egyptian Empire gave modern society was the beginning of a complex alphabetic system. This system also set the foundation for the development of many other systems used by us today such as an accurate calendar and the mathematical formulas used by architects and doctors. The Egyptians named this system Hieroglyphic Symbols. Hieroglyphic comes from the Greek â€Å"hiero glyphica† which means â€Å"sacred carving†. Hieroglyphics were the first form of written communication in the Western world. The developments of hieroglyphics happened about three thousand years before Christ. Egyptians referred to Hieroglyphics as â€Å"the words of God†. But how did the Egyptians develop such a system? Well, the Egyptian traders noticed how helpful a written language was while they conducted business in the Land of Sumer and they brought some ideas to their land. The growing government and bureaucracy made it necessary to have some sort of system that could help society to keep track of history and business. It took a lot of time and effort for the Egyptians to develop their own hieroglyphic system. One of the main problems with hieroglyphics was its complexity. The system was so complicated and hard to learn that only royalty, scribes, priests, and government officials were able to understand the system. Hieroglyphic symbols began with pictures. At first the symbols represented only objects, but later they were also used to express ideas and ...

Of Men And Mice †Is loneliness mans greatest enemy? Essay

Loneliness is a state of being alone in sadness, resulting from being forsaken or abandoned. As I understand it, loneliness is when a person has no one to talk to, no one to confide in, nor anyone to keep companionship with. Loneliness also makes a person slip into a desolate state, which they try to conceal under a tough image, and is an emotion even the strongest cannot avoid. In his novel, Of Mice and Men, John Steinbeck deals with loneliness by looking for comfort in a friend, but settling for the attentive ear of a stranger. Although they seem at ease and friendly on the surface, a deep sense of loneliness lingers in the hearts of Crooks, George, and Curley’s wife, to which they are desperate to find an escape from to cope with their seclusion from the rest of society. Crooks, a lively, sharp-witted, black stablehand, who takes his name from his crooked back, leads a lonely life. He lives according to the rule that no black man is allowed to enter a white man’s home. Crooks’ loneliness is a result of rejection from everyone else on the ranch. He is forced to live alone in a barn, where he lives his life in isolation because of his colour, which was an issue in those days. When Lennie visits him in the room, Crooks’ reactions reveal the fact that he is lonely. As a black man with a physical handicap, Crooks is forced to live on the border of ranch life. He is not even allowed to enter the white men’s bunkhouse, or join them in a game of cards. His resentment typically comes out through his bitter, sad, and touching vulnerability, as he tells Lennie: †¦A guy needs somebody–to be near him. A guy goes nuts if he ain’t got nobody. Don’t make no difference who the guy is, long’s he’s with you. †¦I tell ya a guy gets too lonely an’ he gets sick. (Steinbeck 72-73) Crooks’ openness of his inner self, and his ability to speak his heart’s desire to a stranger illustrates how lonely he gets, and admits that it results in sickness. Furthermore, as bitter as he is about his exclusion from other men, Crooks is grateful for Lennie’s company, and when Candy enters Crook’s room, it becomes difficult for him to conceal his pleasure with anger. The only relationship he can find is with his books. When Lennie talks about his dream farm, Crooks hesitantly asks Lennie an alternative for  him to escape his loneliness, â€Å"‘†¦If you†¦guys would want a hand to work for nothing–just his keep, why I’d come an’ lend a hand'† (Steinbeck 76). Crooks’ desperation to get out of his lonely spell prompts him to make such a drastic, but shy, suggestion. Crooks becomes so desperate for a relationship that he offers his services to George and Lennie for free, just to escape his loneliness. Crooks is not successful in overcoming his loneliness because Lennie dies in a matter of days, and no white man in his right mind would care to step foot in Crooks’ humble abode. George, a short-tempered but loving and devoted friend, is lost in loneliness. At the beginning of the novel, George reveals his thoughts on loneliness in a story that he narrates about Lennie, himself, on a farm: Guys like us, that work on ranches, are the loneliest guys in the world. They got no family. They don’t belong no place†¦. With us it ain’t like that. We got a future. We got somebody to talk to that gives a damn about us. We don’t have to sit in no bar room blowin’ in our jack jus’ because we got no place else to go. If them other guys gets in jail they can rot for all anybody gives a damn. But not us. (Steinbeck 13-14) George realizes that loneliness attributes too much of his sufferings. George’s rough attitude to conceal his loneliness and to admit to suffering from profound loneliness is revealed when he reminds Lennie that the life of a ranch-hand is among the loneliest of lives. Migrant workers, like George, rarely have anyone to look to for companionship. To overcome his loneliness, George not only befriends Lennie, but he seems to find companionship with his co-workers as well. He eagerly accepts the invitation to go into town with ‘the boys’, leaving Lennie alone in the barn with the animals. Towards the end of the novel, George feels an even greater sense of loneliness and guilt before he kills Lennie. Instead of being angry and reprimanding him, George, overcome by his forthcoming loneliness, responds to Lennie’s running away to the caves, â€Å"No †¦ I want you to stay here with me† (Steinbeck 104). The wave of nostalgia and loneliness that engulfs George is so overwhelming, that he shoots Lennie instantly. In this way, George is not successful of overcoming his loneliness because he would mourn for the loss of his friend  for a long time, leading him to feel even more guilty and lonely. Curley’s wife, who walks the ranch as a temptress, hides a deep sense of loneliness behind the â€Å"tramp,† â€Å"tart,† and â€Å"bitch† masks that she puts on. For a young lady to wed at an early age, and then be left alone at home, would send one in a deep state of loneliness or depression. She is married to a man that gives her little attention and none of his time. Curley’s wife’s ‘mask’ of a prostitute hides the vulnerability, dissatisfaction, and loneliness in her life. Her first outburst in Crooks’ room tears down a wall of her image: –Sat’iday night. Ever’body out doin’ som’pin’. Ever’body! An’ what am I doin’? Standin’ here talkin’ to a bunch of bindle stiffs–a nigger an’ a dum-dum and a lousy ol’ sheep–an’ likin’ it because they ain’t nobody else. (Steinbeck 78). Being the only woman on the ranch, Curley’s wife does not have another person to talk to who could emphasize with her. She has no friends, no future, no respect; she does not even deserve a name! Desperate to satisfy her need for belonging and love, she turns to strangers such as Lennie, Crooks, and Candy. Before her death, Curley’s wife reveals a lot about herself to Lennie, the only person that she feels she can talk to. She hints at her loneliness when she says, â€Å"Seems like they ain’t none of them cares how I gotta live,† (Steinbeck 88). Her aggravation and frustration about being lonely is being released, and she may be free, in a way, because she has finally released most of her innermost feelings and emotions before her death. She is successful in getting a person like Lennie to talk to and confide in, but it works out to her misfortune that she has to be mercilessly killed by his hands. All three of the characters share the despair of wanting to change the way they are and attain a victory over their loneliness. Crook’s loneliness is hidden by his character, but eventually comes to surface while talking to Lennie. George’s loneliness is hidden by his rough attitude, which seems to disappear when narrating the story of the farm to Lennie. Curley’s wife’s loneliness is covered behind the mask of a portrayed prostitute, but the mask falls off during her conversations with strangers, including Lennie. I  think John Steinbeck’s message about loneliness and people’s attempts to overcome loneliness in the novel is to reveal to us the nature of human’s true existence. One cannot escape from being lonely, and the characters’ attempts to overcome their loneliness is to seek the desire and comfort of a friend, but settle for the attentive ear of a stranger. I feel that Steinbeck is not completely successful in delivering his message across because for a full realization, one has to dig deep into the story, as well as place themselves in the shoes of a character to emphasize with, as well as relate to them and perceive their misery.

Memo on RICO Criminal Defense Practice - 1246 Words

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